Theda Skocpol's "Boomerang"

Republicans were generally identified with this nest (pp. 30-31). Private groups like health Insurance Association of the States also supported it. President Bush announced a market-incremental proposal in February 1992.

Second was the " individual-payer" advance. It would channel all payments finished one entity, whether federal, state, or quasi-public (p 32). Canada has a single-payer system, and its experience suggests that this approach, okay by "global" budget limits and annual payment negotiations, might significantly reduce costs while maximizing autonomy of patients and plyrs (p. 32). further these plans were judged too disruptive and tacitly excluded from serious discussions.

The third approach was named "play or pay" because the employer would either have to provide insurance or else pay a certain measuring stick to help pay for expanded government wellness reporting (pp. 33-34).

Democrats wanted to propose a wellness care mailing so they could make it an issue in the campaign, but a group of 60 Democrats in the Conservative Democratic assemblage were interested in market-based reform, and agreement on a single bill proved impossible (p. 35).

Bill Clinton announced his health care theme in an October 1991 speech. The section on health care in his campaign manifesto (which appeared in June 1992) purposely straddled the two options. Attacked repeatedly by Bush as a tax-and-spend Democrat, Clinton went to Merck Pharmaceuticals in New Jer

The AMA, which had been specially influential in defeating the health care program proposals of 1948-1950, foreign Clinton's plan in a similar way. The American infirmary Association's 4,900 members received advice on how to organize the 4 million infirmary employees. Michael David Bromberg, superlobbyist for a group of 1,400 for-profit hospitals, organized the Health Leadership Council (HLC), hold to chief executives of the 50 largest health care companies.

Finally, the public backed away because the average citizen came to fear that Congress would deliver young regulations without new benefits, except to the currently insured.

Managed care was poorly silent in the South and parts of the East, and Robin Cook's best-selling novel, sinister Cure, confirmed many suspicions about health care capitalists.

Health care remains a good issue for Democrats. They take aim to design progressive solutions to current political problems and use them to regaining the present conservative influence. Alliances for progressive change must be possible because Americans want government "to function efficiently, compassionately, and fairly on behalf of everyone" (p. 186). Skocpol calls for a renewed social vision to inspire majority political support. This did not happen in the Health aegis campaign. Proponents of Clinton's program failed to make an effective, understandable case, while the program's opponents increasingly dominated and finally overwhelmed the discussion.

The Republicans ridiculed the proposal, in particular with Dick Armey's flow chart. A Republican consultant, William Kristol, advised Republicans from the beginning to attack the program, no way out what, and not to compromise on anything. Hillary Clinton especially was singled out for attack. She was vilified regularly, and, when her Whitewater troubles began, she helpless more influence. The New Republic magazine printed an article that do several false claims about the real contents of the progr
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